Robert Merton

• Who is Robert K. Merton
• Middle Range Theories
• Critique of Talcott Parsonsian Functionalism
• Structural Functionalism of Robert Merton
• Manifest and Latent Function

Robert King Merton, also known as Robert Merton, was an influential American sociologist born as Meyer Robert Schkolnick on July 4, 1910, and passed away in New York on February 23, 2003, at the age of 92. Regarded as a pioneering figure in modern sociology and a significant contributor to criminology, he spent the majority of his career teaching at Columbia University, where he held the esteemed title of University Professor. In recognition of his ground breaking work and the establishment of the sociology of science, he received the National Medal of Science in 1994.

Throughout his career, Merton introduced several noteworthy concepts, including “unintended consequences,” the “reference group,” and “role strain.” However, he is most renowned for popularizing terms like “role model” and “self-fulfilling prophecy.” The notion of the self-fulfilling prophecy, which has become integral to sociological, political, and economic theories, describes how beliefs or expectations can influence outcomes or behaviours. Merton defined it as a situation where a false initial belief leads to actions that ultimately confirm the original misconception.

Merton’s concept of the “role model” originated from his research on the socialization of medical students at Columbia University and stemmed from his theory of the reference group. He emphasized the significance of social roles in his understanding of social groups, highlighting that individuals possess multiple roles within society and often conform to societal expectations.

Early life

Robert King Merton hailed from a family of Yiddish-speaking Russian Jews who migrated to the United States in 1904. His parents, Ida Rasovskaya and Aaron Schkolnickoff, the latter working as a tailor, faced significant challenges when their dairy-product shop in South Philadelphia was destroyed by fire. Subsequently, Merton’s father took up work as a carpenter’s assistant to sustain the family.

Despite their modest means, Merton perceived that he had access to various opportunities. During his time at South Philadelphia High School, he frequently engaged with cultural and educational resources in the vicinity, such as the Andrew Carnegie Library, the Academy of Music, the Central Library, and the Museum of Arts. Reflecting on his upbringing in South Philadelphia, Merton remarked in 1994 that it provided young individuals with an abundance of different forms of capital—social, cultural, human, and public—excluding financial capital.

Initially adopting the moniker Robert K. Merton for his performances as a magician, Merton’s fascination with magic grew under the influence of his sister’s boyfriend. While he initially used the stage name “Merlin,” he eventually settled on “Merton” to assimilate his immigrant family name, seeking further Americanization. Additionally, he chose the given name “Robert” in homage to the 19th-century French magician Jean-Eugène Robert-Houdin, known as the pioneer of modern conjuring. Thus, “Robert Merton” became his stage name, which he retained upon receiving a scholarship to Temple University.

Education

Merton commenced his journey in sociology under the mentorship of George E. Simpson at Temple University in Philadelphia from 1927 to 1931. His involvement as Simpson’s research assistant on a project concerning race and media served as his introduction to sociology. During this time, Merton had the opportunity to attend an annual meeting of the American Sociological Association where he encountered Pitrim A. Sorokin, the esteemed head of the sociology department at Harvard University. This encounter prompted Merton to apply to Harvard, leading to his tenure as a research assistant to Sorokin from 1931 to 1936.

Despite initial doubts about his acceptance into Harvard following his graduation from Temple, Merton exceeded expectations, commencing his publishing endeavours with Sorokin by his second year. By 1934, he was producing his own articles, including pieces on “Recent French Sociology,” “The Course of Arabian Intellectual Development, 700–1300 A.D.,” “Fluctuations in the Rate of Industrial Invention,” and “Science and Military Technique.” These contributions culminated in Merton earning an M.A. and Ph.D. in sociology from Harvard.

By the conclusion of his academic pursuits in 1938, Merton had already commenced works that would establish his reputation in the sociological realm, notably publishing his seminal study, “Science, Technology, and Society in Seventeenth-Century England,” which significantly contributed to the development of the sociology of science. Merton’s dissertation committee comprised Sorokin, alongside Talcott Parsons, historian George Sarton, and biochemist Lawrence Joseph Henderson. His Merton thesis, akin to Max Weber’s renowned “Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism,” posited a positive correlation between the ascent of Protestant Pietism, Puritanism, and early experimental science.

Personal life

In 1934, Merton married Suzanne Carhart. They welcomed one son, Robert C. Merton, who later earned the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1997. They also had two daughters named Stephanie Merton Tombrello and Vanessa Merton. Vanessa pursued a career in law and became a professor at Pace University School of Law. However, Merton’s marriage with Carhart came to an end in 1968, and she passed away in 1992. In 1993, Merton entered into matrimony with Harriet Zuckerman, his fellow sociologist and collaborator.

Teaching career

Merton began his academic career at Harvard, transitioning to Tulane University in 1938 as a professor and department chair in Sociology. He later moved to Columbia University in 1941, where he remained for the majority of his teaching tenure. During his fifty-year tenure at Columbia, Merton held several esteemed positions, including associate director of the Bureau of Applied Social Research from 1942 to 1971 and the Giddings Professor of Sociology starting in 1963. He attained the distinguished title of University Professor in 1974 and was honored as a Special Service Professor upon his retirement in 1979, a title reserved for retired faculty who continue to contribute significantly to the university. Additionally, he served as an adjunct faculty member at Rockefeller University and held the inaugural Foundation Scholar position at the Russell Sage Foundation. Merton concluded his teaching career in 1984. In recognition of his profound impact on scholarship and the university, Columbia established the Robert K. Merton Professorship in the Social Sciences in 1990.

Accolades (Name and Fame)

Throughout his illustrious career, Merton authored approximately 50 papers in the realm of sociology of science. Yet, his intellectual contributions extended far beyond this domain, encompassing diverse fields such as deviance theory, organizational studies, and middle-range theory.

His scholarly endeavours garnered widespread recognition, earning him numerous national and international accolades. Notably, he was among the pioneering sociologists elected to the prestigious National Academy of Sciences, and he held the distinction of being the first American sociologist to be elected as a foreign member of both the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences and the British Academy. Additionally, he was esteemed as a member of esteemed institutions including the American Philosophical Society, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, and Academia European. Merton’s pioneering work also included the development of the focus group research method.

Acknowledgment of his contributions extended beyond accolades to prestigious fellowships, including a Guggenheim Fellowship in 1962 and the distinction of being the inaugural sociologist named a MacArthur Fellow from 1983 to 1988. Over twenty universities worldwide conferred him with honorary degrees, including renowned institutions such as Harvard, Yale, Columbia, and the Universities of Leiden, Wales, Oslo, Kraków, Oxford, and the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

In 1994, Merton achieved another milestone as the first sociologist to receive the US National Medal of Science, recognizing his foundational work in the sociology of science and his ground breaking insights into social phenomena such as the self-fulfilling prophecy and unintended consequences of social action.

Merton’s legacy endured beyond his lifetime. On February 23, 2003, at the age of 92, he passed away in Manhattan, leaving behind his wife, three children, nine grandchildren, and nine great-grandchildren.

Middle Range Theories

Robert King Merton, a prominent sociologist, is renowned for coining the term “self-fulfilling prophecy” and contributing numerous other phrases that resonate in everyday discourse, including “role model” and “unintended consequences.” Influenced significantly by Pitirim Sorokin, whose approach balanced broad theoretical frameworks with empirical research and statistical analysis, Merton developed middle-range theories.

These middle-range theories emerged as a rejection of the overarching theories prevalent in Parsonsian sociology, advocating instead for a more grounded approach. Merton believed that sociological theory should not be driven solely by intellectual ambition or academic speculation. Rather, it should be rooted in empirical evidence and aimed at organizing facts in a coherent manner.

In Merton’s view, sociological theories must remain firmly anchored in reality, explaining empirical observations systematically. Rather than indulging in grand speculations about social systems, sociology should focus on addressing real-world problems and issues within empirical contexts.

In the 1960s in America, there was a notable prevalence of political corruption, ethnic tensions, and deviant behaviour, which piqued Merton’s interest. He delved into studying these phenomena and sought to explain their emergence through straightforward theoretical frameworks. He coined these explanations as middle-range theories.

In contrast to the sweeping scope of mega-theories of the time, Merton criticized them as overly speculative and disconnected from empirical evidence. These mega-theories attempted to encompass every aspect of social reality, a task Merton deemed impractical for sociology. Their high level of abstraction made them less relevant for understanding the intricacies of social reality. Consequently, Merton advocated for the rejection of mega-theoretical constructs in favour of more focused middle-range theories.

Rejection of Natural Sciences Based Grand Theories

Merton critiques the application of natural science theories within sociology, noting that these theories typically result from extensive, cumulative research conducted by numerous scholars across various contexts and time periods. He highlights the ability to modify and refine these theories due to the static nature of natural phenomena, allowing for unified theories to develop in the natural sciences. However, he argues that this process cannot be directly applied to sociology, particularly due to the dynamic nature of social phenomena and the flexible unit of analysis in sociology.

In sociology, concepts such as capitalism, democracy patterns, and family roles exhibit constant evolution over time and across different societal contexts. Consequently, Merton suggests that research in sociology should emphasize the diversity and variability inherent in these social structures and functions. While mega theories may be essential in natural sciences, they are not suited to the complexities of sociological research.

Instead of attempting to emulate the scientific status of natural sciences, Merton advocates for the development of middle-range theories within sociology. He emphasizes that sociology should not be equated with natural sciences, as the two disciplines operate within distinct frameworks and contexts.

Meaning of Middle Range Theories

The concept of “middle-range theory” does not denote a specific theory but rather represents an approach to constructing theories. Raymond Boudon characterizes middle-range theory with two fundamental principles. Firstly, it involves the consolidation of disparate hypotheses and empirical regularities within sociological theories, akin to the aim of scientific theories in general. Boudon suggests that valid theories should elucidate and unify these otherwise segregated empirical observations. Secondly, he underscores the futility of attempting to pinpoint a singular overarching independent variable applicable to all social processes or to determine the essential feature of social structure. He argues against the notion of identifying a set of concepts comprehensive enough to analyze all social phenomena.

Merton draws on Weberian sociology, noting a key issue with the ideal type construct: it suggests that sociology cannot fully apprehend the entirety of reality and thus must focus on discerning its essence. Merton observes that sociology grapples with identifying research topics, particularly concerning macroscopic issues inherent in Weberian sociology that are challenging to explore exhaustively. He proposes that by addressing microscopic structures, sociologists can better comprehend various dimensions of social reality. Merton’s interest lies in investigating subjects like political corruption and machine politics, viewing them as amenable to thorough scientific inquiry.

Middle Range theories in sociology emphasize the primacy of facts derived from sociological research over overarching theories. They advocate for a scenario where empirical evidence stands on its own merits. These theories are characterized by their concise and accessible nature, offering universally applicable conceptual frameworks rooted in specific empirical contexts. They possess the capacity to elucidate various situations without ambiguity or controversy.

For example, theories such as reference group theory, in-group or out-group dynamics, social mobility, role conflict, and the formation of social norms are considered middle range theories. These theories serve as practical guides for sociological research across different contexts and periods, contributing to the empirical focus of sociology, particularly in the post-war era. Middle-range theory emerged as the predominant approach to theory development in variable-based social sciences after World War II. Additionally, scholars like Lewis R. Binford applied middle-range theory to archaeology, while figures such as Robert C. Merton extended its application to financial theory.

Conclusion: Based on the aforementioned explanation, it can be inferred that middle range theories initiate from observed phenomena and then generalize to formulate statements that are testable through data. Unlike specific theories, the term denotes a methodological approach to theory development. It begins by theorizing on well-defined facets of social occurrences, rather than on overarching abstract concepts like society at large. Middle range theories necessitate solid empirical backing, crafted from observed data to address theoretical issues and to enable inclusion in frameworks amenable to empirical scrutiny.

In summary, Merton proposes the development of middle range theories in situations where broader theoretical frameworks are premature due to a lack of necessary theoretical and empirical groundwork. Given that many areas of organizational research face such circumstances, advocating for more middle range theories appears quite sensible. The concept of middle range theories involves a two-step approach: first, constructing these theories, and then integrating them into larger theoretical frameworks. This integration process, termed middle range theorizing, serves as a method of theory construction, emphasizing the dual purpose of middle range theories to both stand alone and contribute to the development of more comprehensive theories.

Critique of Talcott Parsons’s Functionalism

The structural functional theory posits that society operates as a complex and interconnected system, wherein each component plays a vital role in maintaining overall stability and harmony. This perspective draws an analogy to the human body, where various organs fulfill specific functions crucial for the body’s health and functioning. Just as the heart pumps blood, the brain processes thoughts, and the liver and kidneys cleanse toxins, societal structures fulfill roles essential for societal well-being. If any component fails, the entire system suffers.

These components, referred to as social structures, encompass any stable patterns of social behavior. Whether it’s a simple routine or a complex institution, if it contributes to societal stability, it is considered a structure. Actions that support these structures, known as social functions, are essential for their continuation.

Sociologists employing the structural functional perspective primarily focus on identifying these structures and understanding their functions. This approach emphasizes a macro-level examination of society, analysing overarching patterns of behavior rather than individual interactions. By studying how these patterns form social structures and fulfill societal functions, structural functionalists gain insights into the broader workings of society.

Both Parsons and Merton adopt a functional approach in their sociological analyses, although Merton’s perspective is firmly rooted in the context of time and space, focusing on empirical realities. Merton highlights the limitations of functional theories proposed by Radcliffe-Brown and Malinowski, originally crafted to explain the dynamics of simpler tribal societies isolated from external influences. These theories, Merton argues, fail to adequately address the complexities of contemporary societies, where historical traditions have layered upon social institutions over centuries.

Merton contends that certain institutions, like religion, which served as cohesive forces in tribal societies, may provoke discord in modern societies characterized by religious diversity and competition. Thus, what was once functional in simpler societies may become dysfunctional in complex ones.

Moreover, Merton’s concepts of latent and manifest functions stem from observations of modern society’s historical trajectory. In contrast, Parsons maintains a more abstract and timeless view of functionalism, focusing on universal functional prerequisites such as adaptation, goal-orientation, integration, and latency. These concepts, he argues, transcend specific historical contexts and are applicable across diverse societies and time periods.

Critical Evaluation

Critics have pointed out various limitations in the functionalism proposed by Parsons and Merton. One significant critique is its heavy reliance on the assumption that social systems are primarily built on consensus, overlooking dissent and conflict. This perspective overlooks the presence of dissent and conflict within social structures, as noted by many sociologists.

Marxist sociologists argue that functionalism fails to address class conflict, a fundamental aspect of societal dynamics. Additionally, political sociologists criticize its neglect of power dynamics within social institutions.

However, it’s important to note that while functionalism doesn’t entirely ignore these issues, the balance between consensus and conflict in society remains largely unresolved in their theories. Both Merton and Parsons touch on aspects of dissent and conflict, but perhaps without adequately balancing their significance.

In summary, Parsons and Merton approached sociology with distinct perspectives. Parsons envisioned sociology as a universal and abstract science, while Merton focused on empirical observation and practical applications. Their approaches to functional analysis also differed, with Merton’s being more contextual and time-bound, whereas Parsons’ was more universal. Despite similarities in studying concepts like role and social structure, Parsons offered a broader theoretical framework, while Merton focused on more specific, “middle range” theories.

Structural Functionalism of Robert Merton

Robert K. Merton made significant contributions to the refinement of functionalist theory, building upon the work of Parsons while also questioning its overarching nature, which he termed as grand theory. Unlike Parsons, Merton advocated for middle-range theory, which delves into specific limitations within social structures.

Merton acknowledged that social structures possess numerous functions, varying in visibility and significance. He outlined three primary limitations within functionalism: functional unity, universal functionalism, and indispensability. Additionally, he introduced the concept of deviance and distinguished between manifest and latent functions. Manifest functions are the recognized and intended consequences of a social pattern, whereas latent functions are the unintended and often unrecognized outcomes.

Critiquing functional unity, Merton argued that not all components of a complex society contribute to its cohesive functioning. He coined the term “social dysfunction” to describe patterns that disrupt societal operations. Furthermore, he noted that some institutions may serve functions beyond societal unity or even be dysfunctional, benefiting certain individuals or groups while hindering others. This underscores the complexity of societal structures, with functions varying based on perspective and context. Merton categorized functions into three types:

• Manifest Functions: A manifest function refers to a role within a social structure that brings about a clear and intended outcome. In the context of education, examples of manifest functions include achieving high grades, completing graduation, and securing employment, all aimed at preparing individuals for their careers.
• Latent Functions: Latent functions refer to the outcomes of social patterns that occur unintentionally or go unrecognized. In the realm of education, these can encompass opportunities such as forging new connections, participating in extracurricular activities, and engaging in school excursions.
• Social Dysfunction: Dysfunctions refer to undesirable outcomes that hinder the smooth functioning of society. In the realm of education, social dysfunction manifests as poor academic performance and difficulty in securing employment. According to Merton, understanding and analysing these dysfunctional aspects of society can shed light on the emergence and endurance of alternative systems.

Merton observed that there might exist functional substitutes for the current societal institutions and structures. This suggests that the existing institutions are not the sole necessities for society. The concept of functional alternatives is significant as it offers different options for both individuals and the effective operation of the social system.

Derived from Durkheim’s notion of anomie, Merton’s theory of deviance plays a central role in explaining internal changes within a system. Anomie, according to Merton, signifies a disconnect between cultural objectives and the legitimate means available to attain those objectives.

Merton posits that actors in society encounter five distinct situations while fulfilling societal functions:

• Conformity arises when an individual possesses both the resources and the aspiration to pursue the cultural objectives ingrained within them.
• Innovation manifests when an individual endeavours to pursue the recognized cultural objectives but opts for unconventional or non-traditional methods to do so.
• Ritualism is evident when an individual adheres to societal norms and conventions but relinquishes the pursuit of the associated goals.
• Retreatism involves the outright rejection of both the means and the objectives set forth by society.
• Rebellion represents a dual rejection of societal goals and means, accompanied by the adoption of alternative goals and methods.

It’s evident that societal transformation can stem from internal dynamics such as innovation or rebellion. Although society often resists such changes initially, the momentum generated by innovation or rebellion eventually forces society to either adapt or risk disorganization.

Postulates of Functionalism

Based on the preceding description, Merton expounded on three primary concerns or shortcomings within functionalism, which he termed as “postulates.” These issues are outlined as follows:

1. The Postulate of the Functional Unity of Society
2. The Postulate of Universal Functionalism
3. The Postulate of Indispensability

1. The Postulate of the Functional Unity of Society: This concept discusses the misconception that societies operate smoothly and cohesively. In Merton’s framework of functionalism, societal norms and customs are seen as serving a purpose for both the collective and individuals within it. While this perspective suggests that social structures should exhibit strong integration, Merton argues against extending this generalization to larger, more complex societies. He highlights instances, like civil conflicts, the struggles of African-Americans in the 1950s, and the oppression faced by South African blacks under apartheid, where societies were not universally beneficial or harmonious for all members.

2. The Postulate of Universal Functionalism: The concept in question pertains to the notion that all societal ideals function universally for the benefit of everyone. According to the theory of universal functionalism, standardized social and cultural structures are believed to inherently serve a positive purpose. However, Merton contests this idea, asserting that such a claim is flawed as not all aspects of society exhibit solely positive functions. He posits that certain elements may yield consequences that are generally dysfunctional or beneficial for some while detrimental for others. For instance, while poverty may serve to uphold the wealth of the affluent, it invariably imposes hardships on the impoverished. Nevertheless, Merton acknowledges that certain institutions and values can indeed serve functional roles for society at large. He argues that recognizing the dysfunctional facets of institutions allows for the understanding of the emergence and endurance of alternative systems. Central to Merton’s stance is his assertion that acknowledging dysfunctions within society does not inherently align with conservatism, thus challenging the notion that functionalism is fundamentally conservative.

3. The Postulate of Indispensability: It denotes the essential role of social functions within customs, ideals, or institutions as a cohesive unit. This concept posits that the standardized elements within society serve beneficial functions and are integral components of its operational entirety, thus suggesting that both structures and functions are crucial for societal functioning. Robert Merton highlighted the importance of recognizing the existence of various structural and functional alternatives within society. Within the framework of structural functionalism, Merton advocated for prioritizing the examination of social functions over individual motivations. He prompts reflection on whether each social institution serves a distinct function, acknowledging that multiple institutions may fulfill the same role or none at all. Therefore, it’s imperative to acknowledge the significance of institutional functions in ensuring the smooth operation of society.

Conclusion: Based on the preceding explanation, Merton emerges as a pioneering sociologist who significantly advanced the structural-functional approach by introducing the concepts of manifest, latent, and dysfunction. Manifest functions refer to those societal functions that are intentional and desired, resulting in recognizable consequences within a social structure. Conversely, latent functions are unintentional and unintended, lacking desired and recognized outcomes. Additionally, Merton highlighted dysfunctions, which are neither desired nor intended and serve to disrupt societal norms and patterns. In essence, Merton’s focus primarily revolved around delineating these two distinct types of functions, which we will now delve into further detail.

Manifest and Latent Functions

Manifest and latent functions are concepts originating from anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski’s research with the Trobiand Islanders in 1922, later adapted for sociology by Robert K. Merton in his pursuit of refining analytical tools for functional analysis.

Similar to Durkheim and Parsons, Merton examines how society integrates with cultural and social structures. He focuses on the endurance of societies and identifies functions crucial for a social system’s adaptation. Merton criticizes early functionalists for their biased emphasis on the positive consequences of social structures or institutions for adaptation or adjustment, arguing that this overlooks potential negative outcomes. He also disagrees with Parsons on certain points, particularly regarding the centrality of shared values in understanding societal and institutional operations.

Manifest function denotes the intended beneficial effects of social policies, processes, or actions consciously designed to benefit society. In contrast, latent functions are unintended but still beneficial effects. Dysfunctions, on the other hand, represent unintended harmful outcomes.

Theory of Manifest and Latent Functions

Renowned American sociologist Robert K. Merton introduced his theory of manifest function, alongside latent function and dysfunction, in his seminal work “Social Theory and Social Structure” published in 1949. Widely regarded as one of the most influential sociological texts of the 20th century by the International Sociological Association, Merton’s book expounds various concepts that propelled him to fame in the field, notably including reference groups and self-fulfilling prophecy.

Within his functionalist framework, Merton meticulously analysed social actions and their repercussions, defining manifest functions as the overtly positive effects of conscious and deliberate endeavours. These functions emanate from a spectrum of social actions but are frequently associated with the outputs of key social institutions such as family, religion, education, and media, as well as the by-products of societal policies, laws, rules, and norms.

Consider the institution of education, for instance. Its explicit aim is to cultivate well-educated individuals equipped with a comprehensive understanding of their environment, history, and the requisite skills to contribute meaningfully to society. Similarly, the media institution consciously endeavours to disseminate crucial news and events to empower the public in democratic participation. In essence, manifest functions are purposefully designed to yield advantageous outcomes for the social system.

Latent Function

In contrast to manifest functions, latent functions operate unconsciously and unintentionally, yet they still yield positive outcomes. These unintended consequences are essentially hidden benefits. Take education as a social institution, for instance. Sociologists acknowledge that alongside its intended functions, education also generates latent functions. These include fostering friendships among students, providing avenues for socialization through events like dances and sports, and facilitating acts of sharing and mutual assistance among peers. Thus, latent functions contribute to the establishment of social bonds, group cohesion, and a sense of belonging, all of which are vital components of a thriving and cohesive society.

Dysfunction

Latent functions often operate quietly in the background, receiving little acknowledgment unless they result in negative repercussions. Dysfunction arises when these latent functions cause harm to individuals within society and become noticeable. Such dysfunctions can lead to disorder and conflict within society, disrupting the normal flow of daily life. It’s important to note that dysfunctions can also be evident in planned events, where the adverse effects are anticipated beforehand. Examples include the disturbance of traffic and daily routines caused by large gatherings such as street festivals or protests, as seen recently near New Delhi’s borders.

Conclusion: Merton expanded on functional theory by highlighting that a structure may persist even if it’s dysfunctional for the overall system. Take, for instance, the discrimination against minorities like blacks and females. While it’s detrimental to society as a whole, it persists because it serves a function within the social system; for example, discrimination against females often benefits males. However, these discriminatory practices come with their own set of problems, even for the group they supposedly benefit. Males, for instance, also suffer consequences from discriminating against females. One could argue that such discrimination hampers productivity by marginalizing a significant portion of the population and increases the likelihood of social tensions. Merton argued that not all social structures are essential for the system’s functioning; some are dispensable. This aspect of functional theory challenges its conservative tendencies by acknowledging that certain structures can be removed, paving the way for meaningful social change. For instance, eliminating discrimination against minorities could improve society without compromising its existence.

References and Readings:

Social Theory and Social Structure, by  Robert K. Merton, https://amzn.to/4bJyosm

Sociological Theory, by  Ritzer G, https://amzn.to/3Da3pcm